Tuesday, June 12, 2007

DSE: Activists cancel Downtown demo for security threats

Activists cancel Downtown demo for security threats

By Liam Stack and Alexandra Sandels
The Daily Star Egypt staff

First Published 5/6/2007

CAIRO: State security forces and plainclothes agents swarmed Talaat Harb square on Friday night due to rumors of a mock ‘wedding party’ organized by Egyptian opposition activists to mark the wedding of Gamal Mubarakand his bride Khadija El Gammal in Sharm El-Sheikh the same day.

Due to the heavy security deployment activists decided to cancel the protest shortly before its scheduled start at 6 pm, leaving a field of security troops and accompanying army trucks patiently awaiting their appearance for hours.

"Bloggers and activists were planning to hold a mock wedding celebration for Gamal Mubarak and his bride, but the security situation did not allow for it as you can see for yourselves," journalist and blogger Hossam El-Hamalawy told The Daily Star Egypt pointing to the hordes of soldiers.

As reporters from local and international channels arrived on the scene, state security troops quickly surrounded the group urging them not to take pictures and leave.

"This is surreal. It really shows how frightened the government is of the opposition activists. All this circus for a small group of bloggers holding a peaceful protest," El-Hamalawy sighed.

DSE: A tale of courtship, love and heartbreak on the World Wide Web

A tale of courtship, love and heartbreak on the World Wide Web

By Liam Stack
The Daily Star Egypt staff

First Published 5/4/2007

The Daily Star Egypt continues its exploration of Internet dating in Egypt.

Finding love has never been easy, but in a socially conservative, booming metropolis like Cairo it can be especially hard. Romantic ballads blast from every radio and marriage is supposed to be the ultimate goal, but that doesn’t mean that love is easy to come by. Young men have the daunting task of saving up money to provide for their bride, while many young women are pressured to please their families, and attract a husband, by being well-behaved and religious.

Faced with all this stress, some young people escape online to make friends and find potential mates. But many of those who do find that while the Internet is a new way to make a love connection anywhere in the world, there’s still no way to upgrade past break-ups and heart ache.

Leila Abdel Salam, 28, is a successful professional woman who cares deeply about her Islamic faith. She works for a religious charity in downtown Cairo, has never been married, and lives with her parents. After graduating from university she found that it wasn’t so easy to meet new people in the working world. So she signed online and began chatting about religion.

“I was in a Yahoo! group called Islamic Pen-pals because I was looking for spiritual guidance,” she says. She also began chatting on Yahoo! Messenger with other group members. Her user profile displayed a picture of the Kabaa in Mecca.

“Sometimes you just meet people who want to have sex online, or who think that just because you’re chatting you’re cheap or easy. So I uploaded this picture so that everyone would know that I’m not looking for anything like that.”

Eventually, she hit it off with one of her Islamic pen-pals. His name was Ryan. He was British, 13 years her senior, and converted to Islam years ago. He lived in the north of England and sent a message to the group about his plans to make a pilgrimage to the graves of holy men in India. Leila thought a pilgrimage like that was against Islam, and sent him a message to tell him so.

“I sent him an email and said this isn’t Islam, this is wrong and you shouldn’t be doing it. It’s shirq, it’s like you believe in two gods,” she says. “If you worship at a shrine because someone is buried there, it is like you are seeking them. But the only one you should seek is God.”

Ryan responded to her email, addressing her as “brother,” and so she responded to tell him that she was in fact a sister. After that, they kept in touch and were soon emailing frequently.

“We ended up emailing a lot and talking about life and our interests and stuff. And then pictures came in to it, too,” she says. “Then one day he sent me a really funny email and told me ‘from now on I will think of you as my wife.’ He didn’t even ask me to marry him, he just said ‘from now on I will think of you as my wife.’”

At the time, Leila was thrilled.

“I was so naïve and stupid about it,” she says. “I was crying in the British Council library when I read that email. I don’t remember how soon he told me he thought of me this way, but it didn’t seem fast to me. It made sense. I was so much in love with him. We used to talk and share our ideas, and we had so many things in common .”

When Leila told her parents about her online courtship, their reaction was mixed.

“My father and brothers were ok with the idea. My dad said he just wanted to make sure that Ryan was a respectful person who could take care of me,” she says. “But my mom was really upset. She said ‘he will take you away, he wont take care of you, maybe he has another family that you don’t know about, those people are not true believers, who know why he converted.’”

A year after they met online, Ryan came to Egypt to formalize their engagement. Fearing her family’s reaction, Leila did not tell them he was in town. She wanted to wait until everything was perfect so they could not reject him.

But in the meantime, they began to have problems. “At the time he didn’t have a job or a house. He still doesn’t as far as I know. He lives in a small town in the north of England, and plays the north Hiberian bagpipes on the street for money,” she explains. “He said that after we were married he wanted me to stay here in Egypt. He said it would be better for the family and children because it is cheaper to live in Egypt, but then he said he didn’t want to have kids. He said he hated kids.”

Most surprising of all, Ryan revealed to her that he had been married once before, although he never mentioned that in a year of online chatting. With all these shocks, things between them began to change. Uncertain of their future, Ryan returned to England in a rush after becoming sick with Hepatitis A. They stayed in touch for several months, until one day Leila got an email. Ryan was sorry. It wasn’t her, it was him. They just weren’t meant to be.

After they broke up, the two stayed in touch and tried to be friends. Ryan returned to Egypt last winter on holiday, but when they met up things were different. He was afraid that Leila was trying to woo him back. She was doing her best to get over him. In the end, he left Egypt without saying goodbye.

At her age, when many Egyptian women already have school-aged children, Leila says she is not sure that she will ever marry. Her internet romance has shaken her faith in romantic love, but she says it has shown her what values are really important — all of the ones her former fiancé lacked.

“In a marriage, love is not the most important thing,” she says. “Compassion is, and forgiveness and understanding. Passion gets cold, it cools down and people change. But if I found someone I could have compassionate friendship with, then I wouldn’t mind that. I could se myself going out with them, and maybe marrying them later.”

“Love is good, if you can have it,” she adds. “But in today’s world, let me tell you, compassion is a more trust-worthy thing.”

DSE: On the internet, is it pornography or a lifestyle?

On the internet, is it pornography or a lifestyle?

By Liam Stack
The Daily Star Egypt staff

First Published 4/27/2007

Mohamed Abdel Moneim is an upscale Nasr City boy like any other. A twenty-something graduate of Cairo University, he is a successful, tech savvy, English-speaking IT specialist from a good family.

Unlike many students, Mohamed did not date much in university. For him, college was a time to discover himself and figure out what he wants in a partner. The internet was an essential part of this process. Now, he has turned to the website Craigslist to help him meet the right kind of girl.

On Craigslist, Mohamed goes by the tagline “Sexy Dominant Egyptian Master.” What he is looking for is “a female submissive/slave for no-strings attached fun.”

Ok, so maybe Mohamed, which is not his real name, isn’t just like any other Nasr City boy. But, he says, his fetish does not make him as different as some might think.

“I'm sure the number of people who think like me is so large as to surprise many,” he says. “In fact, I believe most people have some kind of fetish or another, but they are unaware because they have not explored themselves enough to find out.”

For Mohamed, that exploration took place over the internet during his days at Cairo University. While other students were playing the dating game on campus, he was going online to learn more about his desires and the world outside his upper middle class, Egyptian life.

“Most people in Egypt meet their partners or future spouses in college,” he says.

“However I was mostly out of that scene since I did not socialize there — I mostly showed up just for exams and important stuff and then went straight home. I guess I'm the kind of person you'd call a geek. I have trouble blending in well with crowds of average people.”

Sitting at his computer, the internet introduced Mohamed to a whole new world of endless information that he never even knew existed. Sexual fantasies were just a part of that.

“BDSM is just one example,” he says, using the abbreviation for the phrase Bondage, Domination and Sadomasochism. He also learned about art, news, films, and recipes he shared with his family.

Mohamed learned about BDSM for the first time when he was 22 years old. Playing on the popular search engine Google, he discovered a wealth of pornographic websites depicting S/M sex. After that, he began to seek out other S/M sites, and was soon posting on message boards looking to connect with and meet other BDSM fetishists in Egypt and around the world.

“I found the idea very exciting and identified with the dominant role,” he says. “Before then I had no such fantasies, though. They began to develop as I learned and explored more.”

He feels no embarrassment or shame about what he likes, says Mohamed, but he is aware of the stigma that many Egyptians attach to sex outside of marriage. Combined with many people’s disapproval of kinky sex, he decided it was best to keep his fetish to himself.

“I didn't think it was something I should share with anyone except close friends and prospects,” he says. “Not everyone is open-minded enough. I'm sure many people would find it sleazy or weird, especially in a conservative society like this one.”

In the United States, Craigslist is a wildly popular online “swap-meet.” Looking at any of the site’s American web pages, one can find thousands of posts advertising apartments for rent, appliances for sale, jobs to fill or people to date.

If you were lucky and timed it right, with Craigslist you could go up the main street of any North American city and rent a new apartment, buy a used car, find a job and meet a cute girl, all before noon.

Despite the boom in Egyptian blogging and internet use over the last few years, Craigslist remains unpopular here. Mohamed insists that the site’s low popularity is the reason his ad has attracted only a handful of responses, and that many women share his sexual desires.

“The BDSM fetish is a very popular one,” he says. “Many females enjoy being submissive in bed and taking on roles where they feel helpless and dominated. There is a whole subculture with different degrees of commitment and sometimes surprising extremes. But for most, including myself, it's just a way to have fun in a less ordinary way.”

Like many internet daters, Mohamed says he is not looking to meet someone for a long-term commitment. He is looking for a few dates, maybe a cup of coffee, and hopefully some kinky, casual sex. “It appears that very few Egyptians know about Craigslist, and most of the ones who do seem to have a North American background.”

Of the handful of women who have responded to his ads, Mohamed has met only one. He calls her Nour, which is not her real name. She was a 29-year-old divorcee, and worked as a human resources specialist in Heliopolis. She learned about Craigslist while spending time abroad.

In Egypt, the internet is one of many forces reshaping the morality of the educated, wired elite. For the well-off few, those who speak foreign languages, drink iced mocha lattes and cruise the internet on laptops in hip coffee shops, it is opening up new romantic and sexual possibilities that were unthinkable for their parents.

“Sex outside of marriage is a fact of life,” says Mohamed. “The norms of this society are changing very rapidly. What was unheard of only 15 years ago, will not surprise many people anymore.”

DSE: Labor organizers meet at Ibn Khaldun Center, issue warning

Labor organizers meet at Ibn Khaldun Center, issue warning

By Liam Stack
The Daily Star Egypt staff

First Published 4/26/2007

CAIRO: A panel of trade unionists from across the country gathered at Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies on Tuesday to discuss the wave of strikes that has swept Egypt in the last year, as well as their campaign to form new unions independent of state control.

The speakers included Alexandria-based organizer Ahmed Abdullah, Mohamed Darwish, of Assiut, a food industry worker; Abdel Latif Youssef, also of Assiut, a worker in a pharmaceutical factory; and Ali El Badry, an organizer, journalist and member of El Geel Democratic Party.

Labor activism has been spreading in the past 12 months, and many strikes have succeeded in securing industrial workers new benefits from state-run enterprises. These successes have occurred even as the state has cracked down on other opposition groups and figures, such as jailed presidential candidate Ayman Nour and the officially banned Muslim Brotherhood.

Despite these successes, workers have complained of little support from official opposition parties and influential figures.

“Worker leaders say that prominent opposition leaders and the Egyptian intelligentsia have not been supportive enough of their movement,” said Saad Eddin Ibrahim, chairman of Ibn Khaldun Center. “For this reason we here at Ibn Khaldun are very excited to host these labor leaders and to begin working with them.”

The organization of the strikes was a central topic of the evening. Each speaker strongly objected to the competing claims of responsibility made by Communists such as organizer Mahmoud Amin El Alim and the Muslim Brotherhood, each of which they say is now trying to take the credit for a grassroots workers’ movement.

“I take issue with the Mahmoud Amin El Alim’s claims,” said Ahmed Abdullah, of Alexandria. “Communism has failed in its own countries and there is no way it could ever be successful here. We live in a new world and an age of globalization and multi-national corporations, and we have to accept that and work with it. I think that most workers had never even heard of El Alim and the rest of the Communists before he ever made his statements claiming responsibility for their strikes. He is totally wrong.”

The shut-down of the Helwan-based Center for Trade Union and Worker Services (CTUWS), an independent labor rights group formed in 1990, also loomed large in the meeting.

Over the past month, the group has seen its branch offices in Nagaa Hamadi and Mahalla closed by the government. This week the state issued an order to shut its headquarters in Helwan, which has sparked an outcry from international rights groups and a sit-in by local human rights and labor activists.

According to the panelists, in the absence of independent labor unions, the CTUWS had long acted like one, performing many of the functions of a union and going to bat for workers during strikes.

“Because we haven’t got free labor unions in Egypt, the Center used to act like one,” said Abdullah. “It used to help workers, and speak out on behalf of those with grievances, either individually or collectively.”

The crackdown on the CTUWS comes amid a season of labor unrest in Egypt, which began with the high-profile Ghazl El-Mahalla textile strike in December, which involved 27,000 workers. They went on strike to demand their annual bonuses, equivalent to two months’ pay, even though their local union representatives opposed the strike and supported the position of the state-run factory’s management.

The Mahalla strike ended with a compromise, and workers received a 45-day bonus. Still energized from the strike and angry at the position taken by the local union, the Mahalla workers collected 13,000 names on a petition demanding the impeachment of their local representatives.

The petition was delivered to the General Federation of Trade Unions in January. If the Federation would not agree to impeach their representatives and hold new elections, the Mahalla workers have threatened to secede from the body and form an independent union. It would be Egypt’s first since President Gamal Abdel Nasser created the General Federation in 1956.

Worker leaders accuse the General Federation of Trade Unions of being dominated by the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) of President Hosni Mubarak. The Federation is made up of 23 large unions that cover each of the country’s public sector industries. Of those, six elect their leaders by a process that activists say strongly favors NDP candidates, and the other 17 are lead by officials appointed by the Ministry of Labor, Aisha Abdel Hady.

“When the government created the Federation back in 1956, workers were happy at first,” said Abdel Latif Yousef, the Asyut food industry organizer. “But then they realized that the Federation was like a clone of the child they really wanted, and that it had nothing to do with what they had been dreaming of.”

“It is a structure without a spirit, a giant beast with no soul,” he added. “It is a police man that watches all the workers in Egypt, and a way for the government to oppress and spy on the working class.”

According to Ali El Badry, an organizer and activist with El Geel Democratic Party, workers plan to unveil an independent union on May 1 and will hold a demonstration in Tahrir Square in conjunction with protests in several provincial capitals.

“We are not afraid of the ruling regime,” he told the audience. “We live our lives with our suitcases packed, ready for them to come and take us to prison at any time.

“From here inside the Ibn Khaldun Center, I want to send a message to Aisha Abdel Hady,” he added. “You will pay a price for rigging last fall’s union elections. We will show you who is really in charge of the Egyptian labor movement.”

DSE: Local and global rights groups condemn state order closing labor NGO headquarters

Local and global rights groups condemn state order closing labor NGO headquarters

By Liam Stack
The Daily Star Egypt staff

First Published 4/24/2007

CAIRO: Following weeks of what labor activists have described as “harassment” and “intimidation,” the Ministry of Social Solidarity has issued an order to shut down the Helwan headquarters of the Center for Trade Union and Worker Services (CTUWS).

The CTUWS is an independent worker’s rights organization formed in 1990 by Egyptian industrial workers. The group says it is committed to encouraging the development of unions independent of state control and spreading democratic practices in Egypt, as well as improving working conditions.

The government tells a different story. It says the group threatens the welfare of the country by encouraging instability and labor unrest. In the last month, the state has shut two of the organization’s branch offices. The first shut down was in Nagaa Hamadi, Qena governorate, on March 29. Two weeks later, the government shut the group’s office in the delta town of Mahalla on April 10.

Egyptian activists have condemned the order to close the Center’s Helwan office, and many have begun a sit-in there in the hopes of deterring police from shutting it down. Several large international human rights organizations have also weighed in, urging President Mubarak to intervene on the group’s behalf and allow it to do its work. It is unclear in what capacity the organization would continue to operate if its headquarters was closed.

One thing that local rights groups say they are certain of is that the campaign against the CTUWS is a bad sign for the future of Egyptian civil society. They plan to organize to defend the Center.

“Human rights organizations have decided to sign on and confront this assault,” said the Arab Network for Human Rights Information (HRInfo) in a statement. “This could start a huge campaign against all civil society organizations and especially human rights groups.”

Activists from HRInfo and the CTUWS have gathered at the Helwan office and say they will “stand against police attacks” by engaging in an ongoing sit-in. They are supported, and in some cases have been joined by, members of an unusually broad range of advocacy groups.

While large rights organizations like the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights and the Nadim Center are throwing their weight behind the CTUWS, lesser-known groups like the Egyptian Center for Child Rights and the Egyptian Organization for Improving Community Participation have also joined in.

In addition to the sit-in, a delegation from this coalition of civil society groups met with the Minister of Social Solidarity on Tuesday morning to ask for clarification concerning the repeated shutdown of the Center’s offices, in particular the role the Ministry has played in the closures.

“We tried to meet with the Minister of Social Solidarity, and he told us that closing the Center was not his Ministry’s decision,” Gamal Eid, the Executive Director of HRInfo, told The Daily Star Egypt. “He said that the CTUWS should register as an NGO under the law, since right now it is registered as a civil company. After the Ministry closed down the CTUWS office in Nagaa Hamadi, they said it was not our decision. After they closed its office in Mahalla, they said it was not our decision. This is the third time they have given us this same answer.”

Eid says that the human rights organizations will continue their sit-in at the group’s Helwan office, and will continue to fight the decision to shut it down.

The closure of the Center’s offices has attracted attention from abroad as well. New York-based Human Rights Watch released a statement in support of the CTUWS last week, one day after a workers’ demonstration in Cairo was suppressed by State Security police. They have urged the government to revoke the orders closing the Center’s offices and to respect workers’ rights.

“Closing the offices of a labor rights group won’t end labor unrest,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “The government should be upholding legal commitments to Egyptian workers instead of seeking a scapegoat.”

“Egypt should end its crackdown on the CTUWS and allow its branches to reopen,” she added. “The campaign violates Egypt’s obligations under international law to uphold the rights to freedom of association, free assembly and expression. These rights need defenders like the CTUWS if they’re to be upheld in Egypt.”

The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), based in Geneva, has also expressed its support for the Center. ITUC Secretary General Guy Ryder has sent a letter sent to President Mubarak and Minister of the Interior Habib El-Adly, asking them to allow the CTUWS to operate freely.

“Mr. President,” wrote Ryder, “Egypt is a leader in the Arab world and your Government can be a role model in the Arab world as a protector of the right to freedom of association and other fundamental human rights, including freedom of assembly and expression. The right for the CTUWS to freely conduct its work to protect and advocate for workers rights is something that the Egyptian government should be eager to protect and could legitimately be proud of.”

“On behalf of the ITUC, I urge you to issue instructions to the relevant governmental bodies to rescind the restrictions and other measures imposed on the CTUWS, as a positive sign of your Government’s commitment to international labor and human rights,” he added.

The crackdown on the CTUWS comes amid a season of labor unrest in Egypt, which began with the high-profile Ghazl El-Mahalla textile strike in December, which involved 27,000 workers. They went on strike to demand their annual bonuses, equivalent to two months’ pay, even though their local union representatives opposed the strike and supported the position of the state-run factory’s management.

The Mahalla strike ended with a compromise, and workers received a 45 day bonus. Still energized from the strike and angry at the position taken by the local union, the Mahalla workers collected 13,000 names on a petition demanding the impeachment of their local representatives.

The petition was delivered to the General Federation of Trade Unions in January. If the Federation would not agree to impeach their representatives and hold new elections, the Mahalla workers have threatened to secede from the body and form an independent union. It would be Egypt’s first since the President Gamal Abdel Nasser created the General Federation in 1956.

DSE: Egypt celebrates past Sinai victory, but for the young frustration outweighs pride

Egypt celebrates past Sinai victory, but for the young frustration outweighs pride

By Liam Stack
The Daily Star Egypt staff

First Published 4/24/2007

CAIRO: Egypt celebrates Sinai Liberation Day today, marking 35 years since the victories of the 1972 war against Israel which eventually led to the return of the Sinai Peninsula from occupation. After three consecutive defeats at Israeli hands, the battle victories near the Suez Canal produced a groundswell of national pride and were the first step in the peace process between the two countries.

Today, much of that national pride has been replaced by frustration, and many young people seem to have forgotten what the holiday is all about. And for people in the Sinai, it is unclear how much life has improved under Egyptian rule.

“For the generation of Egyptians who fought and lost and restored the Sinai, it is a part of their memory and identity and has been the subject of a great deal of soul-searching,” said Saad Eddin Ibrahim, a political sociologist with extensive knowledge of Egyptian-Israeli relations. “Thousands of Egyptians died in those battles and many times more were wounded. Their blood became like an indelible ink on this country. So people rejoiced when the land was restored in 1973.”

Ibrahim believes that the surge of pride following the war created a “psychological parity” that allowed Sadat to begin peace negotiations with Israel. Now that Egypt had won a war of its own against its bitter enemy, the two states were on a more equal footing when it came to the bargaining table.

After the victories in the Canal Zone, striking a deal with Tel Aviv was more palatable. But many young Egyptians do not seem to care one way or another.

“For the generation that was born after ’73, and who are now in their 20s and 30s, Sinai to them is a playground,” he added. “It is a place they either read about as a resort or a tourist attraction, or as a place they themselves go to during the holidays.”

Mohamed Ibrahim, 26, a lecturer at Menoufia University in the delta town of Shebeen El-Kom, agrees that few young people care about what the holiday is supposed to commemorate.

“After all these years, people don’t think about the war the way they used to,” he says. “Now it is just another holiday, a day off. People just stay home and watch TV.”

He blames much of this disinterest and apathy on the frustrations that many people feel in their lives.

“People were more proud before, when the war was still fresh,” he said. “Back then people thought this would mean a major change in their lives, but now the more recent generations know it doesn’t mean anything for them day-to-day.”

“I think the country is standing still now,” he added. “We are stuck in the same place. When people think about their lives, their incomes, their life styles — many people feel that things like these have not changed for the better. And when they are thinking about all of these things, they don’t care about Sinai Day at all.”

Reham Mabrouk, 28, a communications specialist who works for a nongovernmental organization in Maadi, disputes the value of the military victory itself. She says the army did not inflict enough damage on Israel. In her opinion, the government should have done more in the war and should be doing more for Egypt today.

“We didn’t triumph in the manner that we should have — we should have pushed the Israelis all the way back to Tel Aviv but we didn’t,” she says. “The fighting only took back small parts of the Sinai, Israel still kept most of it and we had to negotiate with them for it. Israel killed Egyptian civilians in factories and schools, but no Israeli civilians died because we didn’t attack them in the depths of their country. Israel as a country was not hurt at all.”

“I think that Sadat was right to make peace with the Israelis because we would not have survived another war with them,” she added. “But the victory was not military. I don’t want to undermine the courage and bravery of the soldiers who fought, but this victory had two parts to it, and the negotiations are what got us back the Sinai.”

In the more than three decades since the war, Sinai itself has changed dramatically. What was once a poorly understood desert backwater is now the site of intense investment in tourism, much of it in high-end hotels.

Sharm El-Sheikh has become international short hand for both luxurious beach holidays and important global summits, while other spots along the coast cater to nature lovers, Egyptian families, and back-packing foreign hippies. But some fear that the locals are being left behind in the development rush.

“For the people of Sinai themselves, the story or the script is a bit different,” said Ibrahim. “These people are mostly Bedouin tribes with customs and ways of life that are significantly different from the rest of Egypt.”

This has created a feeling of alienation on both sides that leads to bureaucratic attitudes and policies that make life hard for the Sinai Bedouins. The influx of more than $20 billion of tourism investment in the last two decades has aggravated these tensions, as locals watch their under developed desert home sprout posh colonies of sun bathing foreigners.

“Part of this strange relationship with the Bedouins has to do with the government’s treatment of Sinai as a military zone for much of its modern history, which has the implication of not allowing anyone to own land there,” said Ibrahim. “Even the Bedouin and the natives of Sinai cannot have deeds to own any of their land, but outsiders can come in and buy land and villas and invest in the area. South Sinai has more than $20 billion of tourism investment. Compare this to North Sinai, which is really neglected.”

Mabrouk, the Maadi communications specialist, agrees that much of Sinai has been neglected by the government. She thinks the emphasis on tourism is misplaced, and that under Israeli rule the region was on a better economic path.

“It’s been 30 years, and you can still go to the Sinai and see the farms that the Israelis started,” she says. “The Israelis worked hard there and we have not. Sinai is being totally ignored by the regime, except for Sharm.”

“Turning a society of Bedouin into bus-boys is not a positive achievement,” she adds. “I shouldn’t be saying this, but Sinai would have been better off under the Israelis.”

DSE: WHO declares first annual road safety week

WHO declares first annual road safety week

By Liam Stack
The Daily Star Egypt staff

First Published 4/22/2007

CAIRO: The United Nations has declared April 22 – 29 the first annual Road Safety Week to call attention to the dramatic impact of road accidents on both human lives and economic development.

To inaugurate the initiative, the Cairo office of the United Nations World Health Organization (WHO) held a conference to highlight the dangers of unsafe driving conditions in the Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean region, under the slogan “Road Safety is No Accident.”

“Road safety can only happen through the deliberate and determined efforts of many sectors of society, both government and non-governmental,” said Hussein Gezairy, the regional director of the WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region.

The conference comes one week after a high-profile bus crash in Giza which killed 16 students on their way to school, and injured eight others.

More than 6,000 people die every year in car crashes in Egypt, and over 30,000 are injured.

The conference drew representatives from many government ministries, the WHO, non-governmental organizations such as the Red Crescent and the Boy Scouts of Egypt, diplomats from the United States embassy, and a host of celebrity goodwill ambassadors like actors Khaled Abul Naga and Youssra.

According to the UN, road crashes kill 1.2 million people every year world wide and millions more are injured. Young people are especially hard hit, as accidents are the leading cause of death world wide for people between the ages of 10 and 24.

According to figures provided by the Ministry of Health, 65 percent of those injured in accidents on Egypt’s roads in 2004 were between the ages of 15 and 45.

“This places tremendous pressure, not only on the public sector health care services, but, through direct and indirect costs, on the national exchequer in general,” said Gezairy.

“Estimates from the World Report on road traffic injuries prevention indicate that for a country like Egypt, this cost may be around 1 to 1.5 percent of the total gross national product per year, which may rise if the current trend continues.”

The challenges that poor driving and unsafe road conditions pose for developing countries is formidable. The United Nations says that a widespread and daunting challenge calls for a widespread, coordinated response.

“The problem is more than any one agency, sector, government department or ministry can do,” said M.A. Jama, a representative of the WHO Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office. “A number of governments must come together to make a difference, and that is why the UN as a whole and the General Assembly has come together with you to declare the first UN Road Safety Week.”

“Road safety can only happen through the determined effort of many people and groups,” he added. “Today we expect a commitment to improve what we see on the roads of our cities.”

At the conference, the WHO unveiled a number of television commercials which will air around the world telling people to fasten their seat belts, wear a bike helmet, and not drink and drive. In one video, a young Egyptian boy nervously tells the camera about the death of his best friend.

“We were riding in a micro bus, my friend and I, and the driver was going very fast,” the child says, staring in to the camera. “Then there was another bus also going fast, and we had an accident. My friend died.”

The WHO wants television viewers all over the world to know that people everywhere can take simple steps to prevent road accidents and save lives.

“We all know that prevention is the key to the road safety crisis, anywhere in the world,” said Gezairy.

DSE: Mahalla textile workers barred from Cairo protest, threaten new strike

Mahalla textile workers barred from Cairo protest, threaten new strike

By Liam Stack
The Daily Star Egypt staff

First Published 4/15/2007

CAIRO: A delegation of 100 factory workers from the delta town of Mahalla was barred from holding a demonstration at the Downtown Cairo headquarters of the General Federation of Trade Unions on Sunday to demand the removal of their local union officials.

The workers charge their union leaders with corruption, and say they have been co-opted by the management of their state-owned factory.

But the delegation was prevented from leaving Mahalla by a phalanx of state security personnel, who stopped them at several points along the way.

According to witnesses, state security officers first stopped the group from leaving town by bus by confiscating the the driver’s license of their hired bus driver. When the workers then tried to reach Cairo by train, they were surrounded inside the station and kept from boarding.

“At the station, state security surrounded us and would not let us board. The police were everywhere, and they threatened to arrest all of us,” said Mohamed El Attar, a spokesperson for the Mahalla workers

In defiance of this crackdown, workers in Mahalla say they may launch a new strike early this week.

The Ghazl El-Mahalla factory became iconic within the labor movement after a successful December strike brought 27,000 workers together to demand their annual bonuses, and it is unclear what effect a new strike there would have on workers elsewhere in the country.

Workers in nearby Shebeen El Kom, who staged a strike of their own this winter, have already declared that they are “in solidarity with the Mahalla workers,” although they have stopped short of declaring a new strike.

The Mahalla workers first demanded the removal of their local union representatives in January, say organizers, and today’s protest was meant to pressure the General Federation into responding to that demand.

If the local representatives are not impeached, the workers threaten to resign from the General Federation en masse and form an independent union, which would be the country’s first.

“The workers are saying now that under no conditions will they accept the continuation of those labor union officials,” Kamal Abbas, the General Secretary of the CTUWS, told The Daily Star Egypt in February.

“Just the idea of presenting your resignation from the General Federation is unprecedented. It never happens. This is going to have a ripple effect in the same way that the Ghazl El-Mahalla strike sent a message to the entire working class of Egypt.”

According to the government, the message that the CTUWS sends is one of unrest and instability that threatens the social peace of the country. The state says the group “causes unrest” and “puts stability at risk,” and in the last month has shut two of its branch offices.

Labor organizers and a coalition of human rights advocates organized a separate demonstration on Sunday in front of the Ministry of Social Affairs, to protest the most recent CTUWS closure, which also took place in Mahalla.
Activists say the shutdowns are not about keeping the peace, but are part of a larger crackdown on political opposition, and accuse the regime of a campaign of harassment and intimidation.

Their protest attracted a crowd of about 40, as well as a heavy security presence. Protestors expressed their outrage at the shut-down and demanded to speak to a representative from the ministry, to whom they planned to deliver a letter of protest.

According to witnesses in Mahalla, officials from the Ministry of Social Affairs, accompanied by a detail of state security police, shut down the center’s Mahalla office on Wednesday at 8 pm, sealing its door with red wax.

The Mahalla shut-down came after a week-long campaign of harassment, said the CTUWS in a statement, and comes only two weeks after the government closed the center’s office in the Upper Egyptian city of Nagaa Hamadi, in Qena Province.

The CTUWS has called the shut-downs “an unjustifiable and unexplainable government escalation.”

In a statement, the group says it does not sow unrest, but is committed to “defend the right to go on strike as one of the human rights guaranteed by international conventions ratified by the government of Egypt and maintained by the Egyptian constitution.”

Workers say they think the regime is cracking down because it is afraid of them organizing independently of the General Federation, which has traditionally helped the regime pacify workers and reign in potential labor militancy.

“The regime knows there is a general frustration in the country,” said Abbas. “It’s like having a pimple somewhere on your body and you know if you just touch it, it is going to explode. We’re talking about strikes with thousands of people.”

“The regime is also very scared because whatever the workers are doing in one sector or in one place could just spread to the whole country because the workers are linked organically,” he said. “Today you impeach your factory union committee, maybe tomorrow you will impeach the People’s Assembly, and then maybe the next day you will try to impeach the President. Once this starts, who knows where it will lead?”